Organ Transplants Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Organ Transplants - Research Paper ExampleThis situation has been reversed with the continued practice of removing such failed organ and seeking alternative functional ones from different organisms to save the life of the victim. However, a number of issues have been cropping up in respect of this operation which calls for further research work to ensure its sustainability. Top in this list is the biology behind the success of a transplant attempt. It is a fact that for a recipient body tissues and the entire system to accept the inappropriate organ, there must be compatibility in terms of the required blood groups as this is a fundamental basis for ensuring the safety of the recipient even by and by the procedure (Klein , Lewis & Madsen, 2011). In most cases there tend to be compatibility among family members and in the case that this is not possible, an outsiders organ can be tested if it can match and if the result is positive the donation procedure can be done and subsequent t ransplant. Remarkable scientific research has been undertaken to the extent that repugnance between the donor and recipient can be solved through medical prescription. In this scenario, the recipient is administered with a special treatment that will anticipate the body tissues from rejecting the graft. Nevertheless, there are conditions that have always ruled out either possible organ transplant. Such conditions entails a fast spreading crab louse on a donor, HIV/AIDS infected person. For a dead donor, thorough medical tests need overly to be taken to eliminate any possible health risk on recipient. After the medical assessments, only living and non-defected organs may be removed for donation from the deceased donor. This also means that a dead donor can donate many... This paper makes a conclusion that body organs can undergo some defects that are irreversible and the only solution is replacing them for the victim to survive. This is a common case in accidents, organ failure s and genetically related defects. It worth to note consequently that this has become the latest widely used medical remedy to improve the performance of the body and save many endangered lives across the globe. One of the appear challenges in this application is the exponential population growth that has been piling pressure on the otherwise scarce resources. The author of the paper talks that the number of delicate surgeons is still few to match the increasing number of patients facing such medical conditions. Besides, the number of donors is steadily diminishing as the population size of recipients commemorate surging and this a matter of great global concern. Some of the reasons that explain the vanishing donor numbers are the emerging infections that equally affect the efficiency of the wear round organs in living donors and cancerous cells in the cadaverous donors. Several patients are also relatively poor to afford the cost of compensating the donor, operational be and the treatment that define the entire procedure. This paper approves that global statistics on organ transplant shows a positive result on the outcomes. This calls for increased health advance by the nurses, community health workers and other stakeholders to continue saving lives. More funding by the governments also needs to be projected towards research and training to develop alternatives.

Interest groups and Political parties Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Interest groups and Political parties - Essay ExampleCommon unafraid can be referred to as the excellence of an event or a phenomenon that is shared by all(prenominal) communities of a given society. Thus, keeping in view the roles played by interest groups and political parties, it can be stated that both the groups are conducive in working towards common good of a particular society and those elements which make up that society. However, this statement holds certain pre conditions, i.e. the interest groups are not self centered and political parties do not strive for gaining power only over all others. In other words, it is the intent can the formation of these groups which comes into play and is considered extremely important. Motives, actions and desires yield goodness as long as the driving force behind them remains noble. Same is the case with interest groups and political parties. The reason of stating that the two set of groups are conducive in attaining or working toward s the common good is that these groups provide a platform to the general public around through which people can raise their voices, share their opinions, take part in finale making process, highlight their concerns and problems and reach such decisions which are acceptable and beneficial for all. In this regard, work of Rousseau holds a special place. According to him, people should be milkweed butterfly and the government should only be there to implement laws. He believed that laws shall be enacted by direct democracy, which followed that each person should directly be involved in law making through a platform.

Salem witch trials Essay Example for Free

Salem witch trials EssayIn the commentary, Do Video Games Kill, Karen Sternheimer brings to light an arouse and incredibly controversial subject are video games to blame for youth gun violence? She maintains that due to many biased opinions political, religious and advocacy groups, the media afford failed to provide ample information to the public resulting in the inability to form an educated opinion, in turn causing a mass hysteria resulting in tougher security guidelines in schools, stricter juvenile laws and far less personal and parental responsibility. An incredibly popular first person shooter video game, Doom, is ripe with unmerited violence. So much so that it has been blamed for several mass shootings, perpetrated by middle-class, white, young-adult males. The media, politicians, advocacy groups as well as the FBI are steadfast in claiming that the nevertheless rational explanation is that of the individuals falling prey to the aggression inciting video game. In sho rt, the violent video game made them do it.One might be reminded of the Salem Witch Trials, where no educated explanation can be derived, those which cannot defend themselves, no matter how far-fetched the reasoning, is the obvious answer. Religious and political dogma has meld rampant. The media have created unnecessary fear and moral panic to legitimize their personal agendas under the guise of protecting children. More often than not, alternate explanations are not compensate taken into consideration.Depression, poverty, ignorance, self deprecation, bullying, violent home life are seldom cited and when cited are not explored in depth. The justice system in around every state has revised its juvenile justice laws to increase their penalties in many ways however, the Supreme Court deemed juvenile executions unconstitutional, which in turn created even more fodder for the paranoid masses.

Minority Group and Multiculturalism Essay Example for Free

Minority Group and Multiculturalism EssayThis research was commissioned by the transatlantic Council on Migration, an initiative of the Migration indemnity Institute (MPI), for its seventh plenary meeting, held November 2011 in Berlin. The meetings theme was National Identity, Immigration, and Social Cohesion (Re)building Community in an Ever-Globalizing World and this paper was one of the reports that informed the Councils discussions. The Council, an MPI initiative undertaken in cooperation with its constitution partner the Bertelsmann Stiftung, is a unique deliberative body that examinesvital policy issues and informs migration policymaking processes in North America and Europe. The Councils work is generously supported by the following foundations and political sympathiess Carnegie Corporation of New York, Open Society Foundations, Bertelsmann Stiftung, the Barrow Cadbury depone (UK Policy Partner), the Luso-Ameri send packing Development Foundation, the Calouste Gulbenk ian Foundation, and the governments of Germany, the Netherlands, Nor management, and Sweden. For more on the Transatlantic Council on Migration, please visit www. migrationpolicy. org/transatlantic. 2012 Migration Policy Institute.All Rights Reserved. No part of this usualation may be reproduced or transmitted in any form by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, or any information storage and retrieval system, without authorization from the Migration Policy Institute. A full-text PDF of this document is available for free download from www. migrationpolicy. org. Permission for reproducing excerpts from this report should be directed to Permissions Department, Migration Policy Institute, 1400 16th Street, NW, Suite 300, Washington, DC 20036, or by contacting emailprotectedorg. Suggested citation Kymlicka, Will. 2012. Multiculturalism Success, Failure, and the Future. Washington, DC Migration Policy Institute. Table of Contents Executive Summary. 1 I. Introducti on.. 2 The Rise and Fall of Multiculturalism.3 . II. What Is Multiculturalism?.. 4 A. Misleading Model. 4 . B. Multiculturalism in Context 5 . C. The Evolution of Multiculturalism Policies.. 7 III.Multiculturalism in Practice. 10 A. The Canadian Success Story 10 B. The European Experience. 13 . IV. The Retreat from Multiculturalism.. 14 A. Rhetoric versus Reality ..14 B. Proliferation of Civic Integration Policies. 15 . V. ConclusionThe Future of Multicultural Citizenship. 21 Appendices 26 Works Cited28 About the Author.. 32 MIGRATION constitution INSTITUTE Executive Summary Ideas about the legal and policy-making accommodation of heathen renewing commonly termed multiculturalism emerged in the West as a vehicle for replacing centenarianer forms of heathen and racial hierarchy with new traffic of democratic citizenship. Despite substantial evidence that these policies are making fortify toward that goal, a chorus of semipolitical leaders has declared them a failure and he ralded the death of multiculturalism.This popular master news report is problematic because it mischaracterizes the nature of the experiments in multiculturalism that keep back been undertaken, exaggerates the extent to which they nurture been abandoned, and misidentifies not only the genuine difficulties and limitations they have encountered solely the extracts for addressing these problems. Talk about the seclude from multiculturalism has obscured the fact that a form of multicultural integration remains a live option for occidental democracies. This report challenges four powerful myths about multiculturalism. First, it disputes the caricature of multiculturalism as the uncritical celebration of diversity at the expense of addressing grave societal problems such(prenominal) as unemployment and social isolation. Instead it offers an account of multiculturalism as the pursuit of new relations of democratic citizenship, stimulate and constrained by human-rights estimationls . Second, it contests the idea that multiculturalism has been in wholesale retreat, and offers instead evidence that multiculturalism policies (MCPs) have persisted, and have even grown stronger, over the outgoing ten years. Third, it challenges the idea that multiculturalism has failed, and offers instead evidence that MCPs have had positive effects. Fourth, it disputes the idea that the spread of civic integration policies has displaced multiculturalism or rendered it obsolete. The report instead offers evidence that MCPs are fully coherent with certain forms of civic integration policies, and that indeed the combination of multiculturalism with an enabling form of civic integration is both normatively desirable and empirically effective in at least some cases. To help address these issues, this paper draws upon the Multiculturalism Policy Index.This index 1) identifies eight concrete policy areas where liberal-democratic deposits faced with a choice decided to break off m ore multicultural forms of citizenship in relation to immigrant assemblages and 2) measures the extent to which countries have espoused some or all of these policies over time. While there have been some high-profile cases of retreat from MCPs, such as the Netherlands, the general pattern from 1980 to 2010 has been one of modest strengthening. Ironically, some countries that have been vociferous about multiculturalisms failure (e. g. , Germany) have not really practiced an active multicultural strategy.Talk about the retreat from multiculturalism has obscured the fact that a form of multicultural integration remains a live option for Western democracies. However, not all attempts to adopt new manakins of multicultural citizenship have taken root or succeeded in achieving their intended effects. There are several(prenominal) factors that can either facilitate or impede the successful implementation of multiculturalism Multiculturalism Success, Failure, and the Future 1 MIGRATION P OLICY INSTITUTE Desecuritization of ethnic relations. Multiculturalism works best if relations between thestate and minorities are fall uponn as an issue of social policy, not as an issue of state security. If the state perceives immigrants to be a security little terror (such as Arabs and Muslims after 9/11), support for multiculturalism go outside drop and the space for minorities to even voice multicultural claims will diminish. Human rights. Support for multiculturalism rests on the effrontery that there is a shared commitment to human rights across ethnic and religious lines. If states perceive certain groups as unable or unwilling to abide by human-rights norms, they are unlikely to accord them multicultural rights or resources.Much of the shrink against multiculturalism is fundamentally driven by anxieties about Muslims, in particular, and their perceived unwillingness to extort liberal-democratic norms. Border control. Multiculturalism is more controversial when ci tizens fear they lack control over their borders for instance when countries are faced with large numbers (or unexpected surges) of unauthorized immigrants or asylum seekers than when citizens feel the borders are secure. Diversity of immigrant groups. Multiculturalism works best when it is genuinelymulticultural that is, when immigrants come from many source countries rather than coming overwhelmingly from average one (which is more likely to lead to polarized relations with the majority). Economic contributions. Support for multiculturalism depends on the perception that immigrants are holding up their end of the bargain and making a good-faith effort to contribute to society particularly economically. When these facilitating conditions are present, multiculturalism can be seen as a low-risk option, and indeed seems to have worked well in such cases.Multiculturalism tends to lose support in high-risk situations where immigrants are seen as predominantly illegal, as potentia l carriers of narrow-minded practices or movements, or as sack up burdens on the welfare state. However, one could argue that rejecting immigrant multiculturalism under these circumstances is in fact the higher-risk move. It is precisely when immigrants are perceived as illegitimate, illiberal, and burdensome that multiculturalism may be about needed. I. Introduction Ideas about the legal and political accommodation of ethnic diversity have been in a state of flux around the macrocosm for the past 40 years.One hears much about the trick up and fall of multiculturalism. Indeed, this has become a kind of master narrative, widely invoked by scholars, journalists, and policymakers alike to explain the disclosement of contemporary debates about diversity. Although people disagree about what comes after multiculturalism, there is a surprising consensus that we are in a post-multicultural era. This report contends that this master narrative obscures as much as it reveals, and that we need an alternative framework for thinking about the choices we face.Multiculturalisms successes and failures, as well as its level of public acceptance, have depended on the nature of the issues at stake and the countries involved, and we need to understand these variations if we are to identify a more sustainable model for accommodating diversity. This paper will argue that the master narrative 1) mischaracterizes the nature of the experiments in multiculturalism that have been undertaken, 2) exaggerates the extent to which they have been abandoned, and 3) misidentifies the genuine difficulties and limitations they have encountered and the options for addressing these problems.2 Multiculturalism Success, Failure, and the Future MIGRATION POLICY INSTITUTE to begin with we can decide whether to celebrate or lament the fall of multiculturalism, we need send-off to make sure we know what multiculturalism has meant both in theory and in practice, where it has succeeded or failed t o meet its objectives, and under what conditions it is likely to thrive in the future. The Rise and Fall of Multiculturalism The master narrative of the advancement and fall of multiculturalism helpfully captures important features of our up-to-the-minute debates.Yet in some respects it is misleading, and may obscure the real challenges and opportunities we face. In its simplest form, the master narrative goes like this1 Since the mid-1990s we have seen a backlash and retreat from multiculturalism. From the 1970s to mid-1990s, there was a clear trend across Western democracies toward the increased recognition and accommodation of diversity through a double of multiculturalism policies (MCPs) and minority rights.These policies were endorsed both at the domestic level in some states and by inter bailiwick organizations, and involved a rejection of earlier ideas of unitary and homogeneous nationhood. Since the mid-1990s, however, we have seen a backlash and retreat from multicultur alism, and a reassertion of ideas of nation building, common values and identity, and unitary citizenship even a call for the re crease of assimilation. This retreat is partly driven by fears among the majority group that the accommodation of diversity has gone too far and is threatening their way of life.This fear often expresses itself in the rise of nativist and populist right-wing political movements, such as the Danish Peoples Party, defending old ideas of Denmark for the Danish. But the retreat also reflects a belief among the center-left that multiculturalism has failed to help the intended beneficiaries namely, minorities themselves because it has failed to address the underlying sources of their social, economic, and political exclusion and may have unintentionally contributed to their social isolation.As a result, even the center-left political movements that initially championed multiculturalism, such as the social democratic parties in Europe, have backed 1 For inf luential academic statements of this rise and fall narrative, claiming that it applies across the Western democracies, see Rogers Brubaker, The Return of Assimilation? Ethnic and Racial Studies 24, no. 4 (2001) 53148 and Christian Joppke, The Retreat of Multiculturalism in the Liberal State Theory and Policy, British Journal of Sociology 55, no. 2 (2004) 23757.There are also many accounts of the decline, retreat, or crisis of multiculturalism in particular countries. For the Netherlands, see Han Entzinger, The Rise and Fall of Multiculturalism in the Netherlands, in Toward Assimilation and Citizenship Immigrants in Liberal Nation-States, eds. Christian Joppke and Ewa Morawska (London Palgrave, 2003) and Ruud Koopmans, Trade-Offs between Equality and Difference The Crisis of Dutch Multiculturalism in Cross-National Perspective (Brief, Danish Institute for International Studies, Copenhagen, December 2006).For Britain, see Randall Hansen, Diversity, Integration and the Turn from Multi culturalism in the linked Kingdom, in Belonging? Diversity, scholarship and Shared Citizenship in Canada, eds. Keith G. Banting, Thomas J. Courchene, and F. Leslie Seidle (Montreal Institute for Research on Public Policy, 2007) Les Back, Michael Keith, Azra Khan, Kalbir Shukra, and prat Solomos, New Labours White Heart Politics, Multiculturalism and the Return of Assimilation, Political Quarterly 73, No. 4 (2002) 44554 Steven Vertovec, Towards post-multiculturalism?Changing communities, conditions and contexts of diversity, International Social lore Journal 61 (2010) 8395. For Australia, see Ien Ang and John Stratton, Multiculturalism in Crisis The New Politics of Race and National Identity in Australia, in On not Speaking Chinese Living Between Asia and the West, ed. I. Ang (London Routledge, 2001). For Canada, see Lloyd Wong, Joseph Garcea, and Anna Kirova, An Analysis of the Anti- and Post-Multiculturalism Discourses The Fragmentation Position (Alberta Prairie Centre for Exce llence in Research on Immigration and Integration, 2005), http//pmc.metropolis. net/Virtual%20Library/FinalReports/Post-multi%20FINAL%20REPORT%20for%20PCERII%20_2_. pdf. For a good overview of the backlash discourse in various countries, see Steven Vertovec and Susan Wessendorf, eds. , The Multiculturalism Backlash European Discourses, Policies and Practices (London Routledge, 2010). Multiculturalism Success, Failure, and the Future 3 MIGRATION POLICY INSTITUTE away from it and shifted to a discourse that emphasizes civic integration, social cohesion, common values, and shared citizenship.2 The social-democratic discourse of civic integration differs from the radical-right discourse in emphasizing the need to develop a more inclusive national identity and to fight racism and discrimination, but it nonetheless distances itself from the rhetoric and policies of multiculturalism. The term postmulticulturalism has often been invoked to signal this new approach, which seeks to overtake the limits of a naive or misguided multiculturalism while avoiding the oppressive reassertion of homogenizing nationalist ideologies.3 II. What Is Multiculturalism? A. Misleading Model In much of the post-multiculturalist literature, multiculturalism is characterized as a feel-good celebration of ethnocultural diversity, encouraging citizens to acknowledge and embrace the panoply of customs, traditions, music, and cuisine that exist in a multiethnic society. Yasmin Alibhai-Brown calls this the 3S model of multiculturalism in Britain saris, samosas, and steeldrums. 4Multiculturalism takes these familiar cultural markers of ethnic groups clothing, cuisine, and music and treats them as authentic practices to be preserved by their members and safely consumed by others. Under the banner of multiculturalism they are taught in school, performed in festivals, displayed in media and museums, and so on. This celebratory model of multiculturalism has been the focus of many critiques, includ ing the following It ignores issues of economic and political inequality.Even if all Britons come to enjoy Jamaican steeldrum music or Indian samosas, this would do nothing to address the real problems facing Caribbean and South Asian communities in Britain problems of unemployment, poor educational outcomes, residential segregation, poor English speech skills, and political marginalization. These economic and political issues cannot be solved simply by celebrating cultural differences. Even with respect to the (legitimate) goal of promoting greater understanding of culturaldifferences, the focus on celebrating authentic cultural practices that are unique to each group is potentially dangerous. First, not all customs that may be traditionally practiced inwardly a particular group are worthy of being celebrated, or even of being legally tolerated, such as forced marriage. To avoid aspiration up controversy, theres a tendency to choose as the focus of multicultural celebrations safely inoffensive practices such as cuisine or music that can be enjoyably consumed by members of the large society. But this runs the opposite risk 2For an overview of the attitudes of European social democratic parties to these issues, see Rene Cuperus, Karl Duffek, and Johannes Kandel, eds. , The quarrel of Diversity European Social Democracy Facing Migration, Integration and Multiculturalism (Innsbruck Studien Verlag, 2003). For references to post-multiculturalism by progressive intellectuals, who branch it from the radical rights antimulticulturalism, see, regarding the United Kingdom, Yasmin Alibhai-Brown, After Multiculturalism (London unlike Policy Centre, 2000), and Beyond Multiculturalism, Canadian Diversity/Diversite Canadienne 3, no.2 (2004) 514 regarding Australia, James Jupp, From White Australia to Woomera The Story of Australian Immigration, 2nd edition (Cambridge Cambridge University Press, 2007) and regarding the United States, Desmond King, The Liberty of Strangers Making the American Nation (Oxford Oxford University Press, 2004), and David A. Hollinger, Post-ethnic America Beyond Multiculturalism, revised edition (New York Basic Books, 2006).Alibhai-Brown, After Multiculturalism. 3 4 4 Multiculturalism Success, Failure, and the Future MIGRATION POLICY INSTITUTE of the trivialization or Disneyfication of cultural differences,5 ignoring the real challenges that differences in cultural and religious values can raise. Third, the 3S model of multiculturalism can encourage a conception of groups as hermetically sealed and static, each reproducing its own distinct practices.Multiculturalism may be intended to encourage people to share their customs, but the surmise that each group has its own classifiable customs ignores processes of cultural adaptation, mixing, and melange, as well as emerging cultural commonalities, thereby potentially reinforcing perceptions of minorities as eternally other. This in turn can lead to the strengthening of prejudice and stereotyping, and more generally to the polarization of ethnic relations. Fourth, this model can end up reinforcing power inequalities and cultural restrictions deep downminority groups. In deciding which traditions are authentic, and how to interpret and display them, the state generally consults the traditional elites within the group typically older males while ignoring the way these traditional practices (and traditional elites) are often challenged by internal reformers, who have different views about how, say, a good Muslim should act. It can therefore remit people in cultural scripts that they are not allowed to question or dispute.According to post-multiculturalists, the growing recognition of these flaws underlies the retreat from multiculturalism and signals the search for new models of citizenship that emphasize 1) political participation and economic opportunities over the symbolic politics of cultural recognition, 2) human rights and individual fr eedom over respect for cultural traditions, 3) the building of inclusive national identities over the recognition of ancestral cultural identities, and 4) cultural change and cultural mixing over the reification of static cultural differences.This narrative about the rise and fall of 3S multiculturalism will no doubt be familiar to many readers. In my view, however, it is inaccurate. Not only is it a caricature of the reality of multiculturalism as it has true over the past 40 years in the Western democracies, but it is a distraction from the real issues that we need to face.The 3S model captures something important about raw(a) human tendencies to simplify ethnic differences, and about the logic of global capitalism to sell cosmopolitan cultural products, but it does not capture the nature of post-1960s government MCPs, which have had more complex historical sources and political goals. B. Multiculturalism in Context It is important to put multiculturalism in its historical conte xt. In one sense, it is as old as humanity different cultures have always found ways of coexisting, and respect for diversity was a familiar feature of many historic empires, such as the Ottoman Empire.But the sort of multiculturalism that is said to have had a rise and fall is a more specific historic phenomenon, emerging first in the Western democracies in the late 1960s. This timing is important, for it helps us situate multiculturalism in relation to larger social transformations of the postwar era. More specifically, multiculturalism is part of a larger human-rights diversity involving ethnic and racial diversity.Prior to World War II, ethnocultural and religious diversity in the West was characterized by a range of illiberal and undemocratic relationships of hierarchy,6 justified by racialist ideologies that explicitly propounded the superiority of some peoples and cultures and their right to rule over others. These ideologies were widely accepted throughout the Western kno wledge domain and underpinned both domestic laws (e. g. , racially biased immigration and citizenship policies) and foreign policies (e. g. , in relation to overseas colonies). 5 6 Neil Bissoondath, Selling Illusions The Cult of Multiculturalism in Canada(Toronto Penguin, 1994). Including relations of conqueror and conquered, colonizer and colonized, master and slave, settler and indigenous, racialized and unmarked, normalized and deviant, orthodox and heretic, civilized and primitive, and ally and enemy. Multiculturalism Success, Failure, and the Future 5 MIGRATION POLICY INSTITUTE After World War II, however, the world recoiled against Hitlers fanatical and murderous use of such ideologies, and the United Nations decisively repudiated them in favor of a new ideology of the equality of races and peoples.And this new assumption of human equality generated a series of political movements designed to contest the lingering presence or enduring effects of older hierarchies. We can disti nguish three waves of such movements 1) the struggle for decolonization, concentrated in the period 194865 2) the struggle against racial segregation and discrimination, initiated and exemplified by the AfricanAmerican civil-rights movement from 1955 to 1965 and 3) the struggle for multiculturalism and minority rights, which emerged in the late 1960s.Multiculturalism is part of a larger human-rights revolution involving ethnic and racial diversity. Each of these movements draws upon the human-rights revolution, and its foundational ideology of the equality of races and peoples, to challenge the legacies of earlier ethnic and racial hierarchies. Indeed, the human-rights revolution plays a double role here, not just as the inspiration for a struggle, but also as a constraint on the tolerable goals and means of that struggle.Insofar as historically excluded or stigmatized groups struggle against earlier hierarchies in the name of equality, they too have to renounce their own tradition s of exclusion or oppression in the treatment of, say, women, gays, people of mixed race, religious dissenters, and so on. Human rights, and liberal-democratic constitutionalism more generally, provide the overarching framework within which these struggles are debated and addressed.Each of these movements, therefore, can be seen as contributing to a process of democratic citizenization that is, turning the earlier catalog of hierarchical relations into relationships of liberaldemocratic citizenship. This entails transforming both the vertical relationships between minorities and the state and the horizontal relationships among the members of different groups. In the past, it was often assumed that the only way to engage in this process of citizenization was to impose a single undifferentiated model of citizenship on all individuals.But the ideas and policies of multiculturalism that emerged from the 1960s start from the assumption that this complex history inevitably and appropriat ely generates group-differentiated ethnopolitical claims. The key to citizenization is not to suppress these differential claims but to filter them through and frame them within the language of human rights, civil liberties, and democratic accountability. And this is what multiculturalist movements have aimed to do.The precise character of the resulting multicultural reforms varies from group to group, as befits the distinctive history that each has faced. They all start from the antidiscrimination principle that underpinned the second wave but go beyond it to challenge other forms of exclusion or stigmatization. In most Western countries, explicit state-sponsored discrimination against ethnic, racial, or religious minorities had largely ceased by the 1960s and 1970s, under the influence of the second wave of humanrights struggles.Yet ethnic and racial hierarchies persist in many societies, whether measured in terms of economic inequalities, political underrepresentation, social sti gmatization, or cultural invisibility. Various forms of multiculturalism have been unquestionable to help overcome these lingering inequalities. The focus in this report is on multiculturalism as it pertains to (permanently settled) immigrant groups,7 7 There was briefly in some European countries a form of multiculturalism that was not aimed at the inclusion of permanent immigrants, but rather at ensuring that temporary migrants would return to their country of origin.For example, mothertongue education in Germany was not initially introduced as a minority right but in order to enable guest worker children to reintegrate in their countries of origin (Karen Schonwalder, Germany Integration Policy and Pluralism in a Self-Conscious Country of Immigration, in The Multiculturalism Backlash European Discourses, Policies and Practices, eds. Steven Vertovec and Susanne Wessendorf London Routledge, 2010, 160).Needless to say, this sort of returnist multiculturalism premised on the idea th at migrants are foreigners who should return to their real basis has nothing to do with multiculturalism policies (MCPs) premised on the idea that immigrants belong in their host countries, and which aim to make immigrants 6 Multiculturalism Success, Failure, and the Future MIGRATION POLICY INSTITUTE but it is worth noting that struggles for multicultural citizenship have also emerged in relation to historic minorities and indigenous peoples. 8 C. The Evolution of Multiculturalism PoliciesThe case of immigrant multiculturalism is just one aspect of a larger ethnic revival across the Western democracies,9 in which different types of minorities have struggled for new forms of multicultural citizenship that combine both antidiscrimination measures and positive forms of recognition and accommodation. Multicultural citizenship for immigrant groups clearly does not involve the same types of claims as for indigenous peoples or national minorities immigrant groups do not typically seek l and rights, territorial autonomy, or appointed language status.What then is the substance of multicultural citizenship in relation to immigrant groups? The Multiculturalism Policy Index is one attempt to measure the evolution of MCPs in a alike(p) format that enables comparative research. 10 The index takes the following eight policies as the most common or emblematic forms of immigrant MCPs11 Constitutional, legislative, or parliamentary proof of multiculturalism, at the central and/ or regional and municipal levels The adoption of multiculturalism in school curricula The inclusion of ethnic representation/sensitivity in the mandate of public media or media licensing Exemptions from dress codes, either by statute or by court cases Allowing of dual citizenship The financing of ethnic group organizations to support cultural activities The funding of bilingual education or mother-tongue instruction Affirmative action for disadvantaged immigrant groups12 feel more at home wh ere they are.The focus of this paper is on the last mentioned type of multiculturalism, which is centrally concerned with constructing new relations of citizenship. 8 In relation to indigenous peoples, for example such as the Maori in New Zealand, primordial peoples in Canada and Australia, American Indians, the Sami in Scandinavia, and the Inuit of Greenland new models of multicultural citizenship have emerged since the late 1960s that include policies such as land rights, self-government rights, recognition of habitual laws, and guarantees of political consultation.And in relation to substate national groups such as the Basques and Catalans in Spain, Flemish and Walloons in Belgium, Scots and Welsh in Britain, Quebecois in Canada, Germans in South Tyrol, Swedish in Finland we see new models of multicultural citizenship that include policies such as federal or quasi-federal territorial autonomy official language status, either in the region or nationally and guarantees of re presentation in the central government or on constitutional courts. 9 Anthony Smith, The Ethnic revival in the Modern World (Cambridge Cambridge University Press, 1981).10 Keith Banting and I developed this index, first published in Keith Banting and Will Kymlicka, eds. , Multiculturalism and the Welfare State Recognition and Redistribution in Contemporary Democracies (Oxford Oxford University Press, 2006). Many of the ideas discussed in this paper are the result of our collaboration. 11 As with all cross-national indices, there is a trade-off between normalization and sensitivity to local nuances. There is no universally accepted definition of multiculturalism policies and no hard and fast line that would sharply distinguish MCPs from closely link policy fields, such as antidis

Ap American History Essay Example for Free

Ap American History Essay1. The opponents of the annexation of Texas and the Mexican War attacked slavery as the stand cause of expansion, but in fact it was no more important than other causes. Assess the validity of this statement, using the documents and your knowledge of U.S. history from 1820-1860 to support your answer.During the early-mid part of the 19th century (mainly 1820-1860) Americans objected some things they didnt like. Taxes, the government, even presidents were some of the rejections of the large number. But the one thing the people did not like during this time period was the annexation of Texas and the Mexican War. The opponents of the annexation of Texas and the Mexican War attacked slavery as the root cause for expansion. However, slavery was not the only reason America sought for expansion.Other than slavery, people wanted to explode America because they believed in Manifest Destiny (an cerebration during the 19th century in which people believed that America should expand over the entirety of North America) or because they feared that Texas was an independent state, even the Gold Rush in California (1848-1855) contributed to the expansion of America. Even though the opponents of the annexation of Texas and the Mexican War attacked slavery as the root cause of expansion the idea of Manifest Destiny, fear, and the Gold Rush were other important causes for expansion.As you may know, slavery was the key reason as to why people wanted to expand America, especially mhoerners. Abolitionists (people who were against slavery) did not like the idea that the expansion of America was based on slavery, but it was. In Document B it states, Texaswill strengthen the peculiar institution of the S break throughh, and open a new and vast field for slavery. Many southerners wanted Texas to be annexed to America because it would allow the south to have more slave states (states that allowed slavery). However, people feared that if Texas was annexe d, slavery would expand everywhere in America, and they did not want that. Document C also talks round slavery. It states that, The slave people of Americamust be increased. Texas is annexed it will benefit the South in moving some slaves out of the superabundant slave population and will ultimately improve the living conditions of slaves because they wouldnt be as crowded. You see, slavery was an important cause for expansion, but the idea of unmistakable destiny was plainly as important.The idea of manifest destiny came about the early part of the 19th century. People who believed in manifest destiny believed that America should be fitting to expand to the entirety of North America. In Document A, Thomas Hart Benson says, the American population has begun to extend itself to the Oregon TerritoryI say to them all, Go on People like Mr. Benson want America to expand because they want the world to show the world how prosperous America is. In Document D, John L. OSullivan said, A population will soon be in actual occupation of California. In this document, Sullivan was talking about the California Gold Rush (1848- 1855). Since some(prenominal) people on the eastern side of America have been hearing about the sightings of gold in California, many people decided to venture out to California to collect some of it.Thousands of people rushed to California that it was given the term gold rush. The gold rush allowed America to expand itself into California, which was back up by the manifest destiny believers. Document E also talks about the ideas of manifest destiny. It states, We ought to have the Bay of San Francisco Why? BecauseI thinkour people should move there The author of Document E obviously believed in the idea of manifest destiny because he wants to see people in San Francisco, which is in California. The manifest destiny idea helped encourage people to have more pride in their nation, which allowed them to expand from the East coast of America to the West.However, not every idea of expansionism was happy. Others people wanted to expand America because of fear. In Document F it states, None can fail to see the danger to our safety and future calmness if Texas remains an independent state, or becomes an ally or dependency of some foreign nation more powerful than herself. After Texas won its independence from Mexico in 1835, Texas could not cede the American Union because it needed to enter America with a free state (a state with no slavery) because of the molybdenum Compromise (the Missouri Compromise was passed in 1820 in which stated that there would be no slavery in the Louisiana Territory above the 36th parallel). Since there were no other states to enter with Texas, Texas had to remain as an independent state for about ten years (1835- 1845). During that time, people urged for a state to enter as a free state with Texas because, since Texas was not a part of America, it could do whatever it wanted. Things like joining a d ifferent nation or starting a war with America were options that were available for Texas. That is why many people wanted Texas to join as quickly as possible. Thankfully, Texas joined with Iowa in 1845.You see, slavery was not the only cause for expansion in America. The idea of Manifest Destiny and fear allowed the expansion of America, even the Gold Rush encouraged people to strike in California, allowing America to expand from the east coast to the west.

Differences between men and women

Differences between work force and womenFor a long time there has been considerable scientific interest in studying differences between men and women and the effect that these differences control within the relationship. The sexes atomic number 18 distinguishable because their brains are different. The brain, the chief administrative and emotional organ of life, is differently constructed in men and in women it processes information in a different way, which results in different perceptions, priorities, and behavior. Women have four times as many brain cells (neurons) connecting the secure and left side of their brain. This finding provides evidence that supports the observation that men rely easily and more heavily on their left brain to solve unmatched problem one step at a time. Women have more efficient access to both sides of their brain and therefore greater use of their unspoiled brain. Women set up focus on more than one problem at one time and frequently prefer to sol ve problems through multiple activities at a time. Nearly every parent has observed how young girls find the conversations of young boys boring. Young boys express confusion and would rather play sports than participate actively in a conversation between girls who are discussing as many as three subjects at onceRecognizing, guessing, discussing as well as performing skillfully in light of the differences between men and women bottom of the inning be difficult. Our failure to recognize and appreciate these differences bathroom become a lifelong bug of disappointment, frustration, tension and eventu everyy our downfall in a relationship. Relationships between men and women are not impossible or necessarily difficult. Problems simply arise when we attend or assume the opposite sex should think, feel or act the way we do. Its not that men and women live in completely different realities. Rather, our deficiency of knowledge and mutual experience gives rise to our difficulties. han ds and women blast problems with similar goals but with different considerations. While men and women can solve problems equally well, their approach and their process are often quite different. For most women, sacramental manduction and discussing a problem presents an opportunity to explore, deepen or force outen the relationship with the person they are talking with. Woman is usually more concerned about how problems are solved than merely puzzle out the problem itself. For women, solving a problem can profoundly impact whether they feel nigher and less alone or whether they feel distant and less connected. The process of solving a problem can strengthen or weaken a relationship. Most men are less concerned and do not feel the same as women when solving a problem. Men approach problems in a very different manner than women. For most men, solving a problem presents an opportunity to demonstrate their competence, their strength of resolve, and their commitment to a relationshi p. How the problem is solved is not nearly as important as solving it effectively and in the best possible manner. Men have a tendency to dominate and to assume authority in a problem solving process. They set aside their feelings provided the dominance hierarchy was concur upon in advance and respected. They are often distracted and do not attend well to the quality of the relationship while solving problems.While men and women can reach similar conclusions and make similar decisions, the process they use can be quite different and in some cases can exact to entirely different outcomes. In general, men and women consider and process information differently. Women tend to be intuitive global thinkers, they come to understand and consider problems all at once. Men tend to focus on one problem at a time or a limited number of problems at a time. They have an enhanced ability to separate themselves from problems and minimize the complexity that may exist. Men come to understand and c onsider problems one piece at a time.There is evidence to suggest that a great deal of the sensitivity that exists within men and women has a physiological basis. It has been observed that is many cases, women have an enhanced physical alarm response to danger or threat. Their autonomic and sympathetic systems have a lower threshold of arousal and greater reactivity than men. In both men and women, higher levels of testosterone directly affect the aggressive response and behavior centers of the brain. Increasing estrogen and progesterone in men has a feminizing effect. Sexually aggressive males become less focused on sexual aggressive behavior and content when they are given female hormones. On the an other(a)(prenominal) hand, changing estrogen and progesterone levels in women during menstrual cycles can produce a flood of memories as well as strong emotions. Increasing or high levels of testosterone can produce an emotional insensitivity, empathic block and increased indifferenc e to the distress others.At the heart of sensitivity is our capacity to form, appreciate and oppose relationships that are rewarding. Even here there are important differences. For men, what demonstrates a solid relationship is quite different from that of most women. Men feel closer and validated through shared activities. Such activities include sports, competition, outdoor activities or sexual activities that are decidedly active and physical. While both men and women can appreciate and engage in these activities they often have preferential differences. Women, on the other hand, feel closer and validated through communication, dialogue and intimate sharing of experience, emotional content and personal perspectives. Many men tend to find such sharing and involvement uncomfortable, if not, overwhelming.These differences found in men and women help me understand why relationships are complicated, and why is important to learn and accept these differences. I have a pretty good rela tionship with my boyfriend but sometimes I feel he does not care enough for the relationship, and that is because we do not how to communicate. That is something that I have been trying to change. I understand that we perceive things different but there are things that we can do to improve the relationship and we both know we can do better. Everything is part of understanding each other and be mature in the relationship. If I love somebody I will try to understand and identify our differences and make changes for the benefit of both.

Critical accounting theory

Critical explanation openingIntroductionThere atomic number 18 several reasons on that layover is no one universally authentic theory of history. The reasons are of two sorts. The first is philosophical. The second is practical. This essay discusses each of these. It then furnishs examples from accounting theory. Philosophical reasonsThe statement There is no universally withdrawed accounting theory is true by definition. Scientific judgement of the term theory denies that each theory usher out be universally accepted. harmonise to Popper (e.g., 2002a, 2002b), theories are conjectures that are confide to the test. If they are refuted by the test, they are either rejected or refined. If they are not refuted, they remain theories (not facts). They are then put to further tests, and are further refined. In order for this to proceed, on that point must exist rival theories. In this centering, theories compete in a process of Darwinian selection. The theories never get to the truth, but they get progressively closer.This is the first reason there is no universally accepted theory of accounting. If there were a universally accepted theory of accounting, it wouldnt be a theory. It would be something else. Notice that, conformationing to Popper, no theory ever arrives at certain knowledge. The outperform any theory drive out do is curtail ignorance. Moreover, if scientists were to discover a true theory, there would be no way they could know it was true, so there would still be competing theories.This last point needs elaboration. Gdels incompleteness theorems ( recognize, e.g., Hofstadter, 1979) demonstrate that, in any system of logic rich enough to contain formal arithmetic there exists an infinite number of statements that are true but that are impossible, in principle, for the system to know to be true. This means, in practical terms, that in any complex system-for example, an economic system-there exist solutions to problems that are known by the system, but are not known by any individual within it. This is apprehended by leading economists (e.g., Hayek, 1979). Further, given that there exist usually infinitely more wrong solutions to problems than classify solutions to problems, any test to solve much(prenominal) problems by diktat is infinitely more likely to lead to failure than to success. As regards economics, this led Hayek (1944) to his espousal of the free market. As regards theory in science, it means that any attempt to impose a single theory on anything is likely to lead to a seriously wrong theory. This is another reason for believing there chamberpot be no universally accepted theory of accounting. Any universally accepted theory could all be universally accepted if it were imposed by diktat, and, if it were imposed by diktat, it would of necessity most likely be wrong. Therefore it would give rise to a rival theory.Related to this, Feyerabend (1996) argues that there is no such thing as a single sci entific method, and that any attempt to impose one is counter-productive. Feyerabends doctrine of science is summarised as anything goes. This, shows another reason for there being no single theory of accounting. If there can be no universally accepted method, there can be no universally accepted theory.There are two popular views of science that are in conflict with Poppers perspective positivism and postmodernism. Positivism is the philosophy, associated with Ayer (1946) that says that the only meaningful statements are those that are true by logic and those that may be verified by observation. This is the verification principle. The first problem with the verification principle is that it is neither a truth of logic nor an empirically verifiable fact, therefore by its own terms it is meaningless. The second problem is that in implies science proceeds inductively. But inductive logic (drawing general conclusions from specific instances) is flawed a million observations of white swans, for example, does not demonstrate that all swans are white (indeed, they arent some swans are black).Postmodernism is the philosophy that reality is socially constructed. So what is real to one person may be unreal to another. At a trivial level, this is true, for assorted people see the same things in different ways. It is also true that, historically, science progressed in some instances by channelizes in world view, or paradigm (Kuhn, 1996). However, this is a misgiving more of the sociology of science, not of ontology. And taken literally postmodernism is absurd. It leads to the conclusion that there is no such thing as reality.The prevalence of competing philosophies of science-Popperism, positivism, and postmodernism-provides another reason for there being no universally accepted theory of accounting. There is no universally accepted view of what constitutes reality. indeed one should expect there to be different theories of accounting, each with its cadre of suppo rters.Practical reasonsThere are three purposes for any theory of accounting, and each makes different demands on the theory.The first is that accounting should provide the best information about a companys position. Such a theory is prescriptive, in that it suggests how best accountants should ply their trade. Such a viewpoint is said to be normative. A normative theory is one that states what is best practice.A theory of accounting may also seek to describe what accountants do. Any science must let in accurate descriptions. It is logically possible for a researcher to adhere to a descriptive theory yet bemoan the fact that accountants dont follow what the researcher considers the correct (i.e., normative) practice.There is another aspect to descriptive theories. Until the advent of cheap computers, there was no way that researchers could analyse vast collections of data. Moreover, very often the data were untouchable (Gaffikin), 2008). Computers have changed this. This is another reason for believing there is no universally accepted theory of accounting. A descriptive theory is only as uncorrupted as the data fed into it. But it is impossible to analyse all the data, only different blocks of data. Different blocks may give rise to different descriptions.In describing how accountants behave, researchers must gather evidence. But what evidence? And how should researchers gather it? Positivists tend to use quantitative data. These are data that are, supposedly objective, and may be demoed numerically and manipulated statistically. Company sales figures are an example. Postmodernists tend to use qualitative data. These are data that make no claim to objectivity and are difficult to express numerically. The findings of unstructured interviews-emotions, impressions, and so on-are examples of qualitative data. Because of this, even when presented with the same evidence, different researchers may reach different conclusions. This is another reason there is no uni versally accepted theory of accounting.A theory of accounting can seek to explain. Such theories are scientific in the Popperian sense, for they may be refuted. It is logically possible for a researcher to believe that Theory 1 is the best explanatory theory, Theory 2 is the best descriptive theory, and Theory 3 is the best normative theory. Thus again there are many theories of accounting. Any researcher may subscribe to three different theories, and do so without being inconsistent.In practice, the characteristic between normative, descriptive, and explanatory theories is blurred. Any theory of one type may have features of the others. Example theoriesThis section considers discusses two example theories. Theory 1 validating accounting theoryThere are several problems with normative theory. One concerns what to enter. Consider assets. An accountant does not know how much a companys assets are worth. So the accountant uses one of several indicators (historical cost, for instance) . The accountant must also estimate how much assets depreciate. Accountants use algorithms to calculate depreciation-typically, straight line depreciation such that assets set out worthless after three years. Such algorithms are only broadly accurate.Such considerations led Watts and Zimmerman (1978) to develop positive accountancy theory. The theory is in dissociate descriptive, in that it states what real-world accountants do, and in part explanatory, in that it purports to explain why accountants behave in the way they do. The theory says, in effect, that company accounts do not accord with reality. Instead, they accord with what powerful interests (stakeholders, shareholders, managers) want others to see as reality.The theory makes two assumptionsHomo economicus. This states three things. First, people are entirely rational. Second, people act only out of self-interest. Third, people act only to maximise their wealth.The efficient market hypothesis (EMH). This states that, lef t to its own devices (i.e., if unregulated), the market delivers an optimum price for any safe or service. The EMH states that prices accord with all available information.The reason positive accounting theory makes these assumptions is that, without them, it is difficult to make quantifiable telephoneions, but with them it is relatively easy. Thus, for example, with them one can predict companies in one particular environment will prefer a different form of accounting from companies in another type of environment. Thus, for example, Watts and Zimmerman (1978) predict that firms whose earnings are increased by general price level adjusted accounting (GPLA) will oppose GPLA, but firms whose earnings are decreased by GPLA will favour it.But the notion of H. economicus is problematic-some people are unintelligent, some are altruistic, and so on (Lunn, cited in Clark, 2008), The EMH is also contentious. Some economists accept it, others dont. The EMH is also vague. If the market is e fficient, the EMH doesnt say how long it takes to reach a decision Also, if the EMH were true, arbitrage would be impossible. The best one can say about the assumptions is that they provide an approximation of reality. How good an approximation it is, nobody knows. This is another reason there is no universally accepted theory of accounting. Some people think the assumptions provide a good approximation some people think they provide a bad one. Fama and French (2004) state that markets can be inefficient and investors can be ill-informed and irrational,Just as owners, governments, and workers have vested interests, so have Watts and Zimmerman. In their case, they are interested in promoting positive accounting theory. So, in this regard, the theory has a normative aspect. It concerns how accountancy researchers should practice their trade. If all researchers follow Watts and Zimmermans diktats, Watts and Zimmerman will become rich. Naturally, all accountancy researchers want to be i n Watts and Zimmermans position, but the only way for them to do so is to develop a rival theory. This is another reason there is no universally accepted accountancy theory.Theory 2. Critical accounting theoryCritical accounting theory isnt really a theory. Its more a style of criticism. It aims, not only to alter accounting practice, but to change society (Gaffikin, 2008). It is political. Thus, for example, Laughlin (cited in Davis, 2008) statesA critical understanding of the role of accounting processes and practices and the accounting profession in the functioning of society and organisations with an intention to use that understanding to engage (where appropriate) in changing these processes, practices and the profession.In this, critical accounting theory is postmodernist.Postmodernists point to the numerous flaws in positive accountancy theory. They highlight the weaknesses in the concepts of H. economicus and the EMH. They point out that Watts and Zimmerman use cajoleryal d evices to put the views across. They argue that the methodology and measuring instruments of positivist theories are crude, and so on. Occasionally, they make (or repeat) good points (e.g., the EMH is incorrect) (e.g., Mouck, 1992).As indicated, postmodernists deny the universe of discourse of objective reality. In doing so, they deny the possibility of determining the truth, or worth, of any statement. Thus they deny the truth, or worth, of postmodernism.This is the problem with postmodernism. If reality is socially constructed, then there cannot be a universally accepted theory, for socially constructed reality differs according to who is doing the constructing. A true theory to one postmodernist is a false theory to all others. That is why there is no universally accepted theory of accounting.ReferencesAyer, A.J. (1946). Language, truth and logic. (2nd ed.). London Gollancz.Clark, T. (2008, November 1). Market madness. The Guardian.Davis, D. (2008). Critical accounting theory. L ecture 9. Lecture notes. Bangor personal credit line School.Feyerabend, P. (1996). Against method Outline of an anarchistic theory of knowledge. San Francisco, CA Analytical Psychology Club of San Francisco,Fama, E.F. and French, A.R. (2004). The CAPM Theory and Evidence. On line http//www.econ.sdu.edu.cn/jrtzx/uploadfile/pdf/Assetpricing/04.pdfGaffikin, M. (2008). Accounting theory Research, regulation and accounting practice. French Forest, Australia Pearson Education.Hayek, F. A. (1979). Unemployment and monetary policy. San Francisco Cato Institute.Hayek, F. A. (1944). The road to serfdom. London George RoutledgeHofstadter, D. (1979). G?del, Esther, Bach An eternal golden braid. Harmondsworth Penguin.Kuhn, T. (1996). The structure of scientific revolutions. Chicago University of Chicago Press.Mouck, T. (1992). The rhetoric of science and the rhetoric of revolt in the story of positive accounting theory. Accounting Auditing, and Accountability, 5 (4) 35-56.Popper, K. (2002a). Un ended quest. An intellectual biography. London Routledge.Popper, K. (2002b). Conjectures and refutations. London Routledge.Watts, R.L. And Zimmerman, J.L. (1978). Towards a positive theory of the decision of accounting standards. Accounting Review, 53 112-132.